The Great French Revolution 1789-1793 Volume 2
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
Kropotkin's second volume continues his interpretation of this historic event by concentrating on the clash between the Jacobins and their opponents - the Hebertistes, Enrages and Anarchists. In this clash between authoritarians and anti-authoritarians, Kropotkin draws out the origins of Marxism and Leninism within the Jacobins. Although the French Revolution was a popular, mass event it was directed and disciplined by a minority of professional revolutionaries, and those who continue to exalt the Jacobins of 1793 for their organization of a post-revolutionary State, and their creation of new structures of power, fail to see that the interests followed were exactly those of the bourgeoisie.
more to royalty. A thousand plans were set on foot for the transference of the Crown, either to the Dauphin- which would have been done if the regency of MarieAntoinette had not been generally regarded with so much disgust -or to some other candidate, either French or foreign. There was, as after the flight to Varennes, a recrudescence of sentiment in favour of royalty; and when the people loudly demanded that they should pronounce plainly against royalty, the Assembly, like all assemblies of
renewal of life and of hope in the villages. The lordly influence was great everywhere, but now in every village there was to be found some middle-class man, a doctor or lawyer, who had read his Voltaire, or Sieyès, or the famous pamphlet--Qu'est que le tiers élat? Everything was changing wherever there was a weaver or a mason who could read and write, were it only the printed letters. The peasants were eager to put "their grievances" on paper. It is true that these grievances were confined for
be said that for some time past the personal services had been no longer paid by the peasants. We have very clear evidence on that head from the governors of the provinces. After the revolt of July it was plain that they would never be paid again, whether the lord renounced them or not. These concessions, proposed by the Viscount de Noailles, were, however, cut down, both by the nobles and by the middle class deputies, of whom a great number possessed landed property comprising feudal rights. The
should be "the same for all," and that "all the citizens have a right to co-operate, either personally or through their representatives, in its formation"; Article 10, by virtue of which "no one should be molested for his opinions, provided that their manifestation does not disturb the public order established by law"; and finally, Article 2 which declares that the public force was "instituted for the advantage of all--not for the special use of those to whom it is entrusted "--these
fifty thousand francs a month for four months, and the promise of an embassy; in return for which M. de Mirabeau pledged himself " to aid the King with his knowledge, his power and his eloquence, in whatever Monsieur will judge useful to the State and in the interest of the King." All this, however, only became known later on, in 1792, after the taking of the Tuileries, and, meanwhile, Mirabeau kept, until his death on April 2, 1791, his reputation as a champion of the people. Historians will