The Communist Manifesto and Other Writings (Barnes & Noble Classics)
Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels
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The Communist Manifesto and Other Writings, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is part of the Barnes & Noble Classics series, which offers quality editions at affordable prices to the student and the general reader, including new scholarship, thoughtful design, and pages of carefully crafted extras.
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Largely ignored when it was first published in 1848, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’s The Communist Manifesto has become one of the most widely read and discussed social and political testaments ever written. Its ideas and concepts have not only become part of the intellectual landscape of Western civilization: They form the basis for a movement that has, for better or worse, radically changed the world.
Addressed to the common worker, the Manifesto argues that history is a record of class struggle between the bourgeoisie, or owners, and the proletariat, or workers. In order to succeed, the bourgeoisie must constantly build larger cities, promote new products, and secure cheaper commodities, while eliminating large numbers of workers in order to increase profits without increasing productiona scenario that is perhaps even more prevalent today than in 1848. Calling upon the workers of the world to unite, the Manifesto announces a plan for overthrowing the bourgeoisie and empowering the proletariat.
This volume also includes Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852), one of the most brilliant works ever written on the philosophy of history, and Theses on Feuerbach (1845), Marx’s personal notes about new forms of social relations and education.
Communist Manifesto translated by Samuel Moore, revised and edited by Friedrich Engels.
Martin Puchner is Associate Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia University, as well as the author of Stage Fright: Modernism, Anti-Theatricality, and Drama and Poetry of the Revolution: Marx, Manifestos, and the Avant-Gardes (forthcoming).
the republicans and social-democrats, but how they necessarily fall apart when it comes to reconciling their different plans for the future. The two dynasties simply cannot be fused, the two pretenders cannot become one, and so their common front must fall apart. Similarly, proletarians and bourgeoisie can unite against the monarchy, but they cannot remain united when it comes to property and wage labor, the fundamental issues that divide the two groups. In this way, Marx not only describes the
to increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public. And on its part, German Socialism recognized more and more its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois Philistine. It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation and the German petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, Socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme length of directly
deputies and peers of Louis Philippe encountered a hallowed host of Legitimists, for whom many of the nation’s ballots had become transformed into admission cards to the political stage. The Bonapartist representatives of the people were too sparse to be able to form an independent parliamentary party. They appeared merely as the mauvaise queuebp of the party of Order. Thus the party of Order was in possession of the governmental power, the army and the legislative body, in short, of the whole of
produce their political title to their rule, they come forward as republicans and not as royalists, from the Orleanist Thiers, who warns the National Assembly that the republic divides them least, to the Legitimist Berryer, who, on December 2, 1851, as a tribune swathed in a tricoloured sash, harangues the people assembled before the town hall of the tenth arrondissementbv in the name of the republic. To be sure, a mocking echo calls back to him: Henry V! Henry V!bw As against the coalesced
a study in repetition, beginning with its title, which derives from the calendar instituted by the French Revolution. Marx goes further and claims that all revolutions have turned back, all have derived their models from the past. This may seem to be a surprising claim, since we now think of revolutions in the opposite way, namely as breaks with the past, as attempts to create new conditions and relations. But it is true that the French revolution began as an attempt to meet current abuses of