From Stalinism to Eurocommunism: The Bitter Fruits of 'Socialism in One Country'
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Ernest Mandel's book is a study of Eurocommunism unlike any other. Written in the polemical tradition of Trotsky, its sweep extends well beyond the immediate prospects of the Communist Parties of Western Europe. Mandel traces the long historical process which has transformed the once embattled detachments of the Third International into the constitutionalist formations of "historic compromise" and "union of the people" today. He then goes on to argue that the national roads to socialism of contemporary Eurocommunism are the "bitter fruits of socialism in one country" in the USSR.
Mandel's book contains trenchant and documented criticisms of the ideas of Santiago Carrillo in Spain, the economic policies of the PCI in Italy, and the PCF's theories of the State in France. But it also sets these Western developments in the context of European politics as a whole-discussing the Russian response to Carrillo, the organizational attitudes of the CPSU to the Western parties, and the emergence of major dissident currents in Eastern Germany sympathetic to Eurocommunism.
From Stalinism to Eurocommunism represents the first systematic and comprehensive critique from the Marxist Left of the new strategy of Western Communism. It can be read as a barometer of the storms ahead in the European labour movement.
From the Trade Paperback edition.
synonymous with the interests and defence of the USSR. (Works, Volume X, p. 61. 1949 edition.) 2 Three Facets of Eurocommunism 1. Eurocommunism and the imperialist bourgeoisie More than anything else Eurocommunism represents a codification of the rightward evolution of the West European Communist parties since the Seventh Congress of the Comintern. With the exceptions of the period September 1939 to spring 1941 and the period of the Korean war, this evolution has led them to apply a policy of
consequences during a decisive test of strength between the bourgeois state apparatus and the nascent organs of workers’ power, such as occurred in Germany in 1918–19 or in Republican Spain in 1936–37. All this points up the responsibility of revolutionary Marxists, who must combine utilization of the new breach opened in the Stalinist fortress by Eurocommunism with an intransigent struggle for an anti-capitalist revolutionary strategy in West Europe. Widening the breach also means putting
which is the most popular antidote to the mortal danger of bureaucracy, of which the workers are increasingly and rightly aware.11 But nowhere do they highlight the tendential, and in the long run irreconcilable, conflict between the representative institutions of indirect democracy and the manifestations and institutions of direct democracy. A parliament, even if elected by universal suffrage, remains the prototype of an institution of indirect representative democracy and thus the expression
against a return to such monstrous crimes and errors. Togliatti was the first to understand this and to argue, in his Yalta Testament, that there were causal links between the inadequacy of the theory of the ‘personality cult’, the ‘imperfections’ of the ‘Soviet model of socialism’, and the inevitable ascendancy of ‘polycentrism’ within the international Communist movement.15 The Kremlin was in the process of losing control over everything it could no longer dominate by the most direct military
multiple nuclear warheads attained by the Soviet army or a decisive progress in electronics in the USSR? But we have never heard our severe critics, who reproach us for ‘irresponsible adventurism’, propose a halt to Soviet rearmament or to the qualitative development of the technology of Soviet industry. The problem is thus reduced to its proper proportions. Political and military reactions by imperialism are inevitable in face of any advance of the revolution anywhere in the world, and