China and the World since 1945: An International History (The Making of the Contemporary World)
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The emergence of China as a dominant regional power with global influence is a significant phenomenon in the twenty-first century. Its origin could be traced back to 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong came to power and vowed to transform China and the world. After the ‘century of humiliation’, China was in constant search of a new identity on the world stage. From alliance with the Soviet Union in the 1950s, China normalized relations with America in the 1970s and embraced the global economy and the international community since the 1980s. This book examines China’s changing relations with the two superpowers, Asian neighbours, Third World countries, and European powers.
China and the World since 1945 offers an overview of China’s involvement in the Korean War, the Sino-Soviet split, Sino-American rapprochement, the end of the Cold War, and globalization. It assess the roles of security, ideology, and domestic politics in Chinese foreign policy and provides a synthesis of the latest archival-based research on China’s diplomatic history and Cold War international history
This engaging new study examines the rise of China from a long-term historical perspective and will be essential to students of Chinese history and contemporary international relations.
and Britain. In mid-June Pierre Mendes-France came to power in Paris and promised to reach a ceaseﬁre within four weeks or else to resign. During the negotiations, the French/Americans and the Vietminh were divided over the question of a demarcation line of ceaseﬁre (later partition) in Vietnam and the presence of foreign troops in Laos and Cambodia. To break the stalemate, Zhou met Mendes-France and Ho outside the conference room, persuading both sides to make concessions. By manipulating their
Relations of the People’s Republic of China (Englewood Cliﬀs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1993), 141–4. Xiaohong Liu, Chinese Ambassadors: The Rise of Diplomatic Professionalism since 1949 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2001), 61–3. On the French perspective, see Garret Martin, ‘Playing the China Card? Revisiting France’s Recognition of Communist China, 1963–64’, JCWS 10: 1 (Winter 2008): 52–80. Shu Guang Zhang, ‘Between “Paper” and “Real Tigers”: Mao’s View of Nuclear Weapons’, in John Lewis
embassies.17 The Indian example underscored Beijing’s violation of the Western concept of diplomatic immunity from jurisdiction. According to the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, diplomats were exempted from trial by the courts of the state to which they were accredited. But the PRC did not feel bound by the diplomatic norms of the international community which it maintained were shaped by the Western capitalist powers. On 12 June 1967, the MFA informed the Indian Embassy in
partly to remove the murderous Pol Pot regime backed by Beijing. To the post-Mao leadership, Vietnam was a threat to China’s national security, and the United States was regarded as a counterweight to Hanoi’s regional hegemony supported by Moscow.19 The Carter administration, for its part, was alarmed by Soviet adventurism in the Horn of Africa and Cambodia/Vietnam, as well as Moscow’s uncompromising stance at strategic arms limitation talks. Carter and his national security advisor, Zbigniew
role was crystal clear: the SCO’s secretariat was located in and funded by Beijing. The SCO leaders held annual summits. In October 2002, the ﬁrst military training exercise between China and Kyrgyzstan was held. In August 2003, a much larger exercise involving China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan was conducted.12 To foster a peaceful peripheral environment for its economic development, China became more proactive in engaging its Asian neighbours and regional multilateral