China and the World since 1945: An International History (The Making of the Contemporary World)
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The emergence of China as a dominant regional power with global influence is a significant phenomenon in the twenty-first century. Its origin could be traced back to 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong came to power and vowed to transform China and the world. After the ‘century of humiliation’, China was in constant search of a new identity on the world stage. From alliance with the Soviet Union in the 1950s, China normalized relations with America in the 1970s and embraced the global economy and the international community since the 1980s. This book examines China’s changing relations with the two superpowers, Asian neighbours, Third World countries, and European powers.
China and the World since 1945 offers an overview of China’s involvement in the Korean War, the Sino-Soviet split, Sino-American rapprochement, the end of the Cold War, and globalization. It assess the roles of security, ideology, and domestic politics in Chinese foreign policy and provides a synthesis of the latest archival-based research on China’s diplomatic history and Cold War international history
This engaging new study examines the rise of China from a long-term historical perspective and will be essential to students of Chinese history and contemporary international relations.
recognition of the soon-to-be-established People’s Republic, which Stalin promised. Liu and Stalin agreed on a ‘division of labour’ in the promotion of world proletarian revolution: China, due to geographical proximity and similar historical background, would focus on the colonial and semi-colonial countries in the East, while the Soviet Union would concentrate on Europe. They also discussed Sino-Soviet military cooperation. As a result of Liu’s visit, the Soviets promised to help China to
programmes and the dispatch of American ‘advisors’. But by mid-1963, anti-government sentiment and activities in South Vietnam had reached such a level that Washington came to see Diem as more a liability than an asset. In early November, Diem was assassinated in a coup led by disgruntled South Vietnamese generals with Washington’s acquiescence. The assassination of Diem encouraged North Vietnam to adopt, in December, an oﬀensive strategy of intensifying its military assistance to the NLF in the
Decision for Rapprochement with the United States, 1968–1971 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982). Chen, op. cit., 242. 7 Mao’s last diplomatic struggle and anti-hegemony, 1972–8 Between 1972 and 1978, China’s relations with the world entered a period of transitional change. While China and the United States no longer saw each other as Cold War adversaries, there were twists and turns in their relationship, thanks to divergent views on the Soviet threat and the Taiwan question. From 1974 on, Mao
Post-Mao economic reform 97 Zhao took over the premiership; in June 1981, Hu became the Party Chairman (renamed General Secretary in 1982). It is worth noting that Deng chose not to take up formal titles himself. Rather, he stepped down as Vice-Premier in 1980; during the Thirteenth Party Congress in 1987, he announced ‘voluntary retirement’ from all Party posts, retaining only the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission. Nevertheless, Deng remained the ultimate decision-maker. Indeed,
partner of the EU.18 China and the EU, moreover, conducted a number of dialogues on economic issues, ranging from industrial policy and regulation to space science and energy technology. China–EU politico-strategic cooperation entered a mature stage. In 2003 China and the EU strove to build a ‘strategic partnership’. In September the European Commission adopted a policy paper entitled ‘A Maturing Partnership: Shared Interests and Challenges in EU–China Relations’, and the next month China